Part VIII Deviant Careers Attracts greatest amount of scholarly attention for two reasons: Policy makers have great interest in finding out how and why people enter deviance so they can prevent it It is fairly easy data for researchers to collect because every person or group of deviants can tell the story of how they got into the scene A. Entering Deviance Part 8 Over the past decades sociologists have provided information to public that has been adapted to make decisions aimed at influencing and deterring deviance It includes protective factors that in facing multiple risks, act to prevent individuals from becoming involved in such deviance Part 8 This includes the concept of ?at risk? populations a range of risk factors such as: gang membership dropping out of school unwed pregnancy suicide depression eating disorders arrest Part 8 Not much research has been written about this topic for several reasons: While most deviants may be socialized to the norms and values of their activity through contact with fellow deviants, most receive little explicit training in how to do deviance Real training occurs when deviants work together, side by side, as a team, leaving only crews and deviant organizations as places where training may occur Researchers have suggested that the number of criminals engaged in crew operations has declined in recent years B. Training & Socialization of New Deviants Part 8 This type of process analysis requires in-depth understanding not easily gotten through snapshot approach of survey research Longitudinal studies of deviant careers are rare, but valuable They can identify motivations, rewards, conflicts, and problems that deviants encounter over course of their deviant careers Such studies are very helpful to people who struggle to understand themselves, friends and family members caught up in deviance as well a to policy makers C. Change Over Time Part 8 High political-policy interest in this topic as search for ways to induce persons to quit their deviance This is a difficult topic to research: Information on longer-term deviants and their attitudes toward the scene, the people in them, their hopes and dreams is scarce D. Exiting Deviance Part 8 Available research suggests several ?push? and ?pull? factors as follows: Individuals with whom the deviant interacts, such as victims or spouses, may push them out of deviance especially in extended exploitative transactions such as incest Among drug traffickers deviants may burn out from extended drug use and increasing risk of arrest or death Reentering the straight world can be difficult since legitimate work that pas well may be limited and even putting together a resume that accounts for gaps in work Part 8 Most difficult data to collect since such persons will be difficult to identify or locate once they have left deviant worlds and seek to blend into straight society E. Post-Deviant Life Part 8 This approach views deviance as an occupation and compares it to legitimate jobs Work in deviant areas may hold similarities to the skills, professionalism, connections and attitudes of conventional jobs F. Deviant vs. Legitimate Careers Part 8 Goods and services are bought, sold, and distributed; Costs, profits and risks are calculated; Business opportunities, associates, suppliers, and customers identified, assessed and communicated with Yet there are limitations to this analogy: Contracts cannot be legally enforced careers are much less stable and subject to change the business environment has high risks of death and imprisonment to those involved Part 8 Part VIII Chapter 43 Deciding to Commit A Burglary Wright & Decker Demographic characteristics of burglars: young, male and poor Still, such demographic information does not explain causes of residential burglary since many poor, young males never commit a serious offense The direct cause is a perceptual process through which the offense comes to be seen as a means of meeting an immediate need (i.e. a motive for crime is formed) Part 8: Ch. 43 In almost all cases, decision to commit a residential burglary arises in face of perceived, pressing need for cash More than 90% of offenders in study sample report they broke into dwellings because they needed money Part 8: Ch. 43 Need for such cash to solve immediate problem not long range one; Burglary a matter of day to day survival Thus not surprising that the frequency of offender burglaries governed by amount of money in their pockets: Most would not offend if they had enough cash to meet current expenses Most offenders did not save money they got from burglary but used it for one of three purposes as follows: To ?keep the party going? To keep up appearances To keep themselves and their families fed, clothed and sheltered Part 8: Ch. 43 Nearly 75% of sample reported using money from burglary for high-living, most commonly drugs, especially crack cocaine Lemert (1953) labeled such behavior ?dialectical, self-controlled systems? since they exhibit a ?false structure,? or internal logic that calls for constant law-breaking in order to sustain on-going life of partying, drug use, etc. A. Keeping the Party Going Part 8: Ch. 43 Such offenders become involved in offending without significant calculation: Having embarked voluntarily on one course of action, crack smoking, they suddenly find themselves drawn into unanticipated activity of residential burglary without reasoned reflection Beyond illicit drugs and alcohol purchase, about 15% of sample used burglary proceeds to pursue sexual conquests Part 8: Ch. 43 Like getting high, sexual conquest was a much prized symbol of hipness and high status among male peers The high life, burglary lifestyle reflects the values of the street culture, one characterized by an openness to ?illicit action? Part 8: Ch. 43 45% of those who committed burglaries for money reported using the cash to purchase status items such as clothing primarily to project an image of self to others on street After clothes, cars and auto accessories were next most popular status items to secure B. Keeping Up Appearances Part 8: Ch. 43 Offenders? concerns for outward appearances of notorious high-living reflects a strong attachment to values of street culture Seen through offender?s eyes, however, such disdain for financial planning reflects money well-spent on maintaining or lowering one?s status on street B. Keeping Up Appearances Part 8: Ch. 43 About 50% of sample said they paid bills with money from burglary However, bills were often badly delinquent since offenders avoided paying them as long as possible even when they had cash in order to buy drugs and other items Spontaneity is a prominent feature of street culture and many offenders displayed tendency to live for the moment C. Keeping Things Together Part 8: Ch. 43 Katz (1988) suggests that through irresponsible spending, persistent offenders seek to construct an environment of pressures which direct them back into crime Authors? research found no indication such a conscious pattern existed; however, it is the case that offenders do not hesitate to spend money, leaving them with few alternatives to committing crimes C. Keeping Things Together Part 8: Ch. 43 While burglary is prompted by need for cash, why is burglary selected over legitimate avenues of income? Partly this was due to desire for money immediately: even day labor would not provide funds quickly enough D. Why Burglary? Part 8: Ch. 43 Also jobs available to most offenders were poorly paid and could not sustain high-living 18% of sample were legitimately employed; 44% of unemployed said they would stop committing crime if they had a ?good? job With immediate need for cash, most offenders in sample saw little hope of getting cash quickly and legally D. Why Burglary? Part 8: Ch. 43 A few subjects, about 6%, said they did not typically commit burglaries for money as much for psychic rewards Such persons reported breaking into dwellings for thrills connected with risk challenges inherent in the crime opportunity for display of competence E. Seductions of Residential Burglary Part 8: Ch. 43 Burglaries provided excitement but also chance to ?be somebody? by completing a dangerous act It also provided persons opportunity to demonstrate a sense of control and mastery over their lives and hence respect from others as well as self-respect E. Seductions of Residential Burglary Part 8: Ch. 43 What kinds/types of burglaries seem more appealing than others? What accounts for choosing deviance (burglary) over legitimate means of earning a living? Review Questions Part 8: Ch. 43 Part VIII Chapter 44 Gay Male Christian Couples & Sexual Exclusivity Yip Discussion of feelings of satisfaction gay couples have with each other Contrasts the commitment and expectations that compare/contrast homosexual & heterosexual relationships Describes how some couples maintain commitment in the face of sexual non-exclusivity by being discreet, while others stay together for opposite reason: a searing commitment to honesty Part 8: Ch. 44 Sexual exclusivity is one of the most researched areas in studies of gay male couples ? one of five most prominent themes In a gay couple, it?s one of major issues partners grapple with Kurdek (1991) reported that sexual non-exclusivity is ranked 3rd closely behind ?partner?s non-responsiveness & ?partner?s personal problems? Research suggests that majority of gay male partnerships are sexually non-exclusive A. Research on Gay Couples Part 8: Ch. 44 Most researchers define it in terms of behavior of partners A partnership exclusive of both partners don?t have sexual encounters with others Some researchers define it in terms of expectation where sexual exclusivity is acknowledged by both partners (Hickson, 1991) Author supports Hickson?s argument that a partnership can be exceptionally exclusive but behaviorally non-exclusive B. Sexual Exclusivity Part 8: Ch. 44 Unlike heterosexual couples who share a general cultural ideal of sexual exclusivity & disapproval of non-exclusivity, gay male couples don?t have such a cultural assumption Thus they have to resort to actively negotiating the arrangement of their partnership Most might use a trial-and-error approach to construct relationship rules due to lack of structural & cultural guidelines Part 8: Ch. 44 I. The Study Part 8: Ch. 44 Semi-structured interviews with 30 gay male Christian couples in Britain (N = 30) Ages 20s to 70s, mean duration of partnerships 12 years & 3 months Recruited primarily through personal contacts & three national gay Christian organizations Lesbian & Gay Christian Movement (LGCM) QUEST (lesbian & gay Catholics organization) Anglican Clergy Consultation (ACC) Fieldwork was carried out between June & September 1993 A. Methods / Data Analysis Part 8: Ch. 44 II. Typology of Couples Part 8: Ch. 44 Typology takes into consideration both expectation & behavior throughout duration of partnerships Category A: Expect partnership to be sexually exclusive & are behaviorally (n = 9) Category B: Expect partnership to be sexually exclusive but behaviorally non-exclusive (n =8) Category C: Expect partnership to be sexually non-exclusive & are behaviorally (n = 13) Category D: Expect partnership to be sexually non-exclusive but are behaviorally exclusive (n = 0) A. Categorization Part 8: Ch. 44 Typology reveals contradictory scenario to Blasband &Peplau?s (1985) argument that this is consistency between partners? agreements about sexual exclusivity & their actual behavior Part 8: Ch. 44 Research suggests that gay male couples tend to demonstrate trend towards sexual non-exclusivity over time (McWhirter & Mattison, 1984; Davies et al., 1993; Harry & DeVall, 1978) Findings of current study don?t confirm this Six partnerships longer than 5 years Longest: 27 years Shortest: 1 year Mean: 9 years & 5 months B. Category A Part 8: Ch. 44 Reasons for sexual exclusivity: (1) Sexual exclusivity considered symbol of total commitment (2) Sexual exclusivity perceived as symbol of complete mutual satisfaction (3) For some, explicit attribution of their belief in sexual exclusivity to conventional Christian sexual ethics for intimate relationships B. Category A Part 8: Ch. 44 Couples began partnerships with expectation of exclusivity, but either one or both partners violated expectation at certain point during partnership Non-exclusivity became feature of these couples within six months to two years Reasons for sexual non-exclusivity: (1) Natural progression (2) Dissatisfaction with aspects of partnership (3) Desire for sexual experimentation C. Category B Part 8: Ch. 44 Four mechanisms developed to manage their non-exclusive lifestyles: (1) Establishment of explicit ground rules (2) Concealment of information outside sexual encounters (3) Disclosure of information about outside sexual encounters (4) Prevention of casual sexual encounters from developing into ongoing affairs D. Regulatory Mechanisms Part 8: Ch. 44 Partnerships began with expectation of non-exclusivity, behaviorally as well Three reasons cited: (1) Search for sexual variety & excitement as main reason (2) Related to absence of normative guidelines for same-sex partnerships (3) Egalitarianism ? prevent interpartner possessiveness E. Category C Part 8: Ch. 44 Stems from perception of lack of recognition from institutionalized Church & its silence on sexual ethics for gay Christian partnerships Results in distancing of many respondents from the Church & its official stance on homosexuality F. Rejection of Conventional Christian Sexual Ethics Part 8: Ch. 44 III. Sexual Exclusivity, Relationship Satisfaction & Commitment Part 8: Ch. 44 Research evidence suggests there?s no significant difference between sexually exclusive & non-exclusive couples in terms of relationship satisfaction, adjustment & commitment (Peplau, 1981; Blumstein & Schwartz, 1983; Blesband & Peplau, 1985; Kurdek & Schmitt, 1986; and Kudek, 1988) A. Summary Part 8: Ch. 44 What distinguishes homosexual couples and heterosexual ones in the context of sexual exclusivity? Review Questions Part 8: Ch. 44 Part VIII Chapter 45 Pimp-Controlled Prostitution Williamson & Cluse-Tolar Focuses on the mechanisms employed by pimps to lure women into prostitution, and eventually, into obligatory relationships that support his flashy lifestyle Pimp ? one who controls actions & lives off proceeds or one or more women who work the streets. They call themselves: ?Players? ? pimps ?The game? ? their profession ?The life? ? context of subculture Part 8: Ch. 45 In the 1960s & 1970s, social scientists devoted much time & research on exposing & understanding pimp-controlled prostitution within street-level prostitution, which entails sexual acts for money or barter that occurs on & off streets & include sexual activities: In cars & motels As dancers in gentlemen?s clubs Massage parlors work Truck stops Crack house work Part 8: Ch. 45 I. The Study Part 8: Ch. 45 Examines pimp-related violence toward women involved in street-level prostitution within context of pimp-controlled prostitution Data obtained from larger study including both independent & pimp-controlled women Snowball, purposive sampling (n = 21) Six had pimps Criteria for inclusion 18 years or older (18 to 28 years) No longer prostituting (Avg. 4 to 8 years) A. Methods Part 8: Ch. 45 II. Findings Part 8: Ch. 45 Pimps, players and macks are those at top of pimping game To these men in power, it?s a game where they control & manipulate actions of subordinate others Pimping game requires strict adherence to rules To ?have? game implies that pimps have certain amount of charisma & smooth-talking, persuasive conversation toward women A. Pimping: Rules of the Game Part 8: Ch. 45 Paramount rule ? the pimp must get paid Another rule ? game is ?sold and not told? Pimps expected to sell prostitution to women without revealing his entire game plan This is done via persuasive conversations Final rule ? pimp must have woman or women that want to see him on top Macks: most well-respected pimps Players: average stable of women, well-respected & make good living Tennis shoe pimps: one or two prostitutes on street Part 8: Ch. 45 For a pimp, gaining a woman?s attention means looking good, smelling nice, flashing possessions & presenting himself as someone who can counter boredom with adventure & excitement Must also be skilled at assessing a woman?s needs & vulnerabilities Exploiting these vulnerabilities & fulfilling unmet needs enable him to prostitute her For some, a pimp offers hope for future & opportunity to be financially successful B. Turning a Woman Out Part 8: Ch. 45 Women in this study who were involved with a pimp typically didn?t engage in drug abuse Pimps realize crack is competition & frown upon any drug use from their stable Two women involved with tennis show pimps indulged in drug use along with their pimp Pimp-controlled women were told they were beautiful & that men wanted them Pimps didn?t guarantee emotional & financial security, but potential for these things inspired women Part 8: Ch. 45 Thoroughbreds: women who learn the game & become proficient in playing They are professionals in prostitution & responsible for maintaining market rates Able to handle customers, command money & conduct business effectively to maximize profits Part 8: Ch. 45 Pimps keen on marketing product & investing in it in order for maximum profits Thus courting or ?honeymoon? period between pimps & prostitutes A time when pimp ?runs his game? Can last one day to several months Women can be enticed away from another pimp ? viewed as component of free enterprise This can be done without retaliation from another pimp C. Free Enterprise & Choosing Up Part 8: Ch. 45 Each woman in study had a pimp who set rules, controlled her actions & took her earnings Most reported being infatuated with their pimp The more corporate the pimp, the less likely women described feelings as love or defining interaction as a relationship With tennis shoe pimps, for example, women more likely to describe interactions as relationship D. Pimp & Prostitute Relationship in the Game Part 8: Ch. 45 Wife-in-law: prostituted women in a pimp?s family that work for his benefit May be responsible for ongoing training of recent inductees Some women didn?t tolerate this & moved on Others welcomed the prestige of being with a successful pimp & willingly took on challenge & responsibilities as a prostituted woman under his direction Bottom bitch: number one lady in pimp family who might be required to work but only use her hands and/or mouth, saving intercourse for pimp Part 8: Ch. 45 True talents of a pimp Keeping his women happy Commanding money Portray deep, mysterious & somewhat mean demeanor about him Conveys message that he is not to be crossed, which gives him title of being ?cold-blooded? or ?icy? Pimp?s approach is never to cow down to his woman at any time Can?t let love cloud his judgment concerning business Part 8: Ch. 45 Extent to which women felt threatened by pimp in part function of her evaluation of likelihood of pimp?s violence This threat realized by all women in study Pimp violence unpredictable & took many forms Most revealing ? immediate attack Leaving ?ho stroll? or designated work area early without making daily quota one violation resulting in violence E. Pimp-Related Violence: Physical Control of Women Part 8: Ch. 45 Pimp?s success dependent on arousing love & fear in women Relationships require level of trust & degree of vulnerability F. Pimp-Related Violence: Emotional Control of Women Part 8: Ch. 45 Many factors prevent women from pursuing legal assistance Often fear, intimidation Love for pimp despite abuses Buying into pimping game & blame herself for violating Reluctance to report due to prior experience of inaction on part of law enforcement when it came to ?customer? complaints Women who do leave are escaping G. Leaving Pimp-Controlled Prostitution Part 8: Ch. 45 Why do women remain with pimps that, most often times, treat them harshly? What is the appeal? To what extent does pimping resemble any other capitalist, free enterprise? Review Questions Part 8: Ch. 45 Part VIII Chapter 46 Shifts and Oscillations in Upper-Level Drug Traffickers? Careers Adler & Adler Focus on ?burning out? of deviance, specifically exiting drug trafficking Upper echelon marijuana & cocaine dealers & smugglers who were initially attracted to drug trafficking eventually find drawbacks of lifestyle exceeds rewards Previous research focused on low & middle levels of drug smuggling (Anonymous, 1969; Atkyns & Hanneman, 1974; Blum, 1972; Carey, 1968; Goode, 1970; Langer, 1977; Lieb & Olson, 1976; Mouledoux, 1972; and Waldorf et al., 1977) Part 8: Ch. 46 I. Setting & Method Part 8: Ch. 46 Total of 65 smugglers & dealers were observed (N = 65) Half earned up to three-quarters of a million a year Other half continually struggled in business, either breaking even or losing money Based in ?Southwest County? ? section of large metropolitan area in southwestern California near Mexico border Marijuana obtained in Mexico & cocaine in Colombia, Bolivia & Peru purchasing between 10 & 40 kilos at a time Drugs imported to US by land, sea & air Part 8: Ch. 46 Middled: transferring to another buyer for small, immediate profit ($2-$5 per kilo for marijuana & $5k per kilo for cocaine) Straight dealing: no middleman entailed Wholesale marijuana dealers: bought directly from smugglers buying 300 ? 1,000 ?bricks? & selling in lots of 100 ? 300 bricks (avg. a kilo in weight) Multi-kilo dealers: not smugglers? first connections, but bought 100 ? 300 bricks & sold in 25 -100 brick quantities Part 8: Ch. 46 Marijuana prices dependent on following: Purchase cost Distance it was transported Amount of risk assumed Quality of marijuana Cocaine prices much more predictable: $10,000 purchasing a kilo, sold for about $60,000 ?Pound? dealers cut in quantities of pounds ($30,000) or 1/2 pound ($15,000) & sold them to ?ounce? dealers who then sold them to ?cut ounce? deals ($2,000 per oz) A. Marijuana & Cocaine Costs Part 8: Ch. 46 Pursued drug trafficking as full-time occupation If involved in other businesses, they were usually maintained to provide them with legitimate front for security purposes Profits depended on individual?s style of operation, reliability, security & amount of product he or she consumed Business activities varied, but they clustered together for business & social relations B. High-Level Dealers Part 8: Ch. 46 Smugglers & dealers banded together & pursued ?fast? lifestyle emphasizing: Intensive partying Casual sex Extensive travel Abundant drug consumption Lavish spending on consumer goods At this level, drug world was homogenous Participants predominantly white, from middle-class backgrounds & previous criminal involvement Included men & women, but most men Ages 25 to 40 years Part 8: Ch. 46 Drew on snowball sampling techniques Largely by accident Researchers became friendly with group of neighbors who turned out to be heavily involved in smuggling marijuana Use of key informants to gain trust of other members Old ladies: girlfriends or wives of dealers & smugglers C. Gaining Entry Part 8: Ch. 46 II. Shifts & Oscillations Part 8: Ch. 46 Despite gratifications originally derived from easy money, material comfort, freedom, prestige & power, 90% of those observed decided to quit the business Stemmed in part from initial perceptions of career as temporary Rapid aging in the career Tired of living the fugitive life Disengaging rarely an abrupt act Rarely successful in making it legitimately because they failed to cut down on extravagant lifestyle & drug consumption Part 8: Ch. 46 Many abandoned efforts to reform & returned to deviance, sometimes picking up where they left off & other times shifting to new mode of operating Example: Dealing cocaine to dealing marijuana Shifted role within same group of traffickers Series of phase-outs & reentries, combined with career shifts endured for years, dominating pattern of their remaining involvement with the business But also represented method by which many eventually broke away from trafficking Part 8: Ch. 46 Once established in drug world, dealers & smugglers entered middle phase of aging in career Characterized by loss of enchantment with occupation Result of both extended exposure to mundane, everyday business aspects & exorbitant consumption of drugs (esp. cocaine) Frenzy of overstimulation & resulting exhaustion hastened process of ?burnout? A. Aging in the Career Part 8: Ch. 46 Dealers & smugglers generally repressed awareness of danger. But result of accumulating ?scares? increased feelings of ?paranoia? They also grew progressively weary of their exclusion from legitimate world & deceptions they had to manage to sustain separation Feeling of being ?expatriated citizen within one?s own country? Part 8: Ch. 46 (1) Hedonistic & materialistic satisfactions the drug world provided (2) Dealers & smugglers identified with, and developed commitment to, occupation of drug trafficking ? self images tied to role & couldn?t be easily disengaged (3) Dealers & smugglers hesitated to voluntarily quite field because of difficulty involved in finding another way to make a living B. Phasing Out Part 8: Ch. 46 Dealers & smugglers trying to leave drug world fell into one of four patterns: (1) Postpone quitting until after they could execute one last ?big deal (2) Planning to change immediately but never did (3) Suspending their dealing & smuggling activities, but didn?t replace them an alternative source of income (4) Try to move into another line of work C. Four Patterns Part 8: Ch. 46 Phasing out of drug world was more often than not temporary For most, it represented but another stage of their drug careers Most forced out of were anxious to return Coming back from financial, legal & reputational bustouts was possible difficult & was not always successfully accomplished D. Reentry Part 8: Ch. 46 About 10% began tapering off drug world involvement gradually 40% experienced a ?bustout? ? forced withdrawals, which were usually sudden & motivated by external factors Legal bustouts generally occurred when dealers or smugglers were either ?burned? or ?ripped off? by others, leaving them in too much debt to rebuild their operations Death was ultimate bustout Part 8: Ch. 46 Returning from bustouts usually entailed trial period where they had to reestablish trust & reliability Voluntary reentry involved easier process Part 8: Ch. 46 Whether forced out or voluntary bustout, they didn?t always return on same level of transacting or commodity which characterized previous style of operation Many underwent a ?career shift? & became involved in some new segment of drug world A final alternative involved neither completely leaving nor remaining within deviant world ? a continual ?dabbling? in drug trafficking E. Career Shifts Part 8: Ch. 46 III. Leaving Drug Trafficking Part 8: Ch. 46 Oscillation into & out of active drug trafficking makes it difficult to speak of leaving ? a final retirement Those forced out had difficult time returning given that bustouts were damaging, with attempted reentries usually unsuccessful Nonetheless it was difficult to ascertain whether leaving was temporary or permanent Part 8: Ch. 46 What distinguishes upper-level drug dealers & smugglers from middle & low-level ones? What factors contributed to leaving the drug world? Why was it difficult to do so? Review Questions Part 8: Ch. 46 Part VIII Chapter 47 Obstacles to Exiting Emotional Disorder Identities Howard Some identity careers have ?highly articulated? (Glaser & Strauss, 1971) durations marked by explicit entrances & exits Some, like emotional disorder labels, don?t given that the sensations & experiences that qualify as symptoms tend to be internally located & lack visible boundaries; thus they are highly subjective The present study explores subjective self-meanings of those identified with emotional disorder labels & no longer do (delabelers) Part 8: Ch. 47 I. Data & Method Part 8: Ch. 47 In-depth interviews with 40 individuals claiming to be delabelers (N = 40) Individuals formerly identified with range of emotional disorder labels such as: Anorexic Codependent Bipolar Agoraphobic Narratives offer insight into changing subjective meanings of disorder identities over time as well as exits (from such labels) A. The Study Part 8: Ch. 47 Only criterion for being considered labeler: Formerly labeled with emotional disorder either professionally or ?self-labeled? Thus being a delabeler not necessarily synonymous with being ?cured? ? just that individual no longer uses label as source of identity Use of snowball sampling & advertisements with flyers Informants from 10 different states Primarily female (n = 31) Ages 20 to 69 years Part 8: Ch. 47 One-third over age 50 Half in social service, mental health or other health-related profession Gender skew attributed to feminization of psychotherapy and mental health Disorders & conditions predominantly resemble DSM-IV-TR criteria of mental disorders Diagnostic & Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders Majority identified with labels for <10 years, while 11 delabelers report having identified for 10+ years II. Obstacles to Disidentification Identity exit fraught with intra- & interpersonal conflicts that make process emotionally difficult Obstacles of disidentifying illustrated on existential, interactional & cultural levels III. Existential Obstacles Several delabelers went through period of questioning ?Who am I now?? after deciding to disidentify with labels Disidentifying from emotional disorder labels doesn?t involve adopting a new, labeled status, instead the transition moves exiting individual from a highly ?marked,? culturally recognized status to completely ?unmarked? non-identity Thus it requires simple forfeit of known identity, which can be destabilizing for most Faced with identity void Disassociating with group identity (i.e., support groups) can trigger feelings of guilt & fear, which are associated with issues of loyalty to group Deserter complex: results from considering leaving group Reverse Stigmatization: fear of being ostracized by group for choosing to disidentify with label A. International Obstacles Delabelers describe cultural pressure to remain identified as ?disordered? Narratives reflect cultural trend of assuming that label is needed in order to understand & cope with life?s difficulties The increased psychologization of every day life has borne an explosion in number of therapeutic practitioners & therapeutic self-help groups; and expert domain of psychological professionals & popular self-help culture & media representations further reinforces cultural preoccupation with therapeutics B. Cultural Obstacles This potential is suggested in several delabelers? narratives that reveal internalization of their disease concept of emotional behavior, which made disidentifying especially difficult What factors influence the process of disidentifying with emotional disorders so difficult? What specific obstacles do delabelers face and to what extent can this be attributed to socialization and society? Review Questions
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